the european union and the middle east

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In the early 19th century, the Middle East became the
most advanced stronghold of the Western world, attracting new interests from
the great powers of the time: Russia, Germany, France, and Great Britain, among
others. Having entered World War I on Germany's side, the Ottoman Empire was
dismantled by the victorious Allies and permanently lost its influence in the
region. At the same time, the discovery of oil for the first time in Iran in
1908 made this area a battleground of fierce competition among numerous Western
oil companies. After the independence movements that followed World War II, the
newly formed states Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, and Iraq struggled to find
stability.
Furthermore, the creation of the State of Israel in
May 1948 introduced a new source of conflict in the region, compounded by the
East-West confrontation, as the Gulf became a target for the former Soviet
Union, which promoted an ideology in the region to destabilize the Western
world in alignment with its objectives.
Following the Iranian Revolution and the collapse of
the Soviet bloc, the United States became the sole power in the region, taking
on the role of the Gulf's policeman. This area has become and will
remain for a long time one of the most important regions in the global economy
and will likely continue to be a site of conflicts and upheavals.
The political configuration of the Middle East has
often changed over the years, and current territorial divisions should not be
seen as permanent. The region comprises about fifteen states whose borders were
shaped by European powers in the past century, as well as by peace treaties
concluded after World War I. France and Great Britain were the primary
architects of this map, on which some borders were drawn arbitrarily based on
their interests, without regard to the aspirations of the native populations or
historical and geographical realities. The Palestinian issue and the situation
of the Kurds remain sensitive issues in the Middle East.
The European Union EU was born after World War II.
The process of European integration began on May 9, 1950, when France
officially proposed laying the groundwork for a Federation. The EU now has
fifteen member states and is preparing to admit thirteen more from Eastern and
Northern Europe.
The European Union is founded on the rule of law and
democracy. It is not a superstate that replaces existing states, nor is it
comparable to other international organizations. Its member states delegate
part of their sovereignty to common institutions, which defend the interests of
the entire Union on matters of shared interest. All decisions and procedures
are based on basic treaties ratified by member states. The energy security of
the United States, Japan, and Western Europe will increasingly depend on the Middle
East over the next twenty years.
Given the recent situation, it is clearer why
Washington has an urgent and imperial drive to control the Middle East.
Currently, the relationships between the Middle East and the European Union are
not as firmly anchored as they once were. The Middle Eastern countries are torn
by conflicts, and their leaders do not always agree due to the diversity of
regimes. The European Union states, powerless in the face of American hegemony,
are seeking other partners to further strengthen the Union to face its
competitors.
Starting from this observation, the question that
arises is related to the evolution of relations between Middle Eastern
countries and those of the European Union. A crossroads of civilizations and a
bridge between the West and the Far East, the Middle East has long been a
target of European Powers. The European Economic Community, created after the
Second World War, was able to maintain relations with countries in the region
despite periodic crises and tensions resulting from the Cold War. However, the
armed conflicts engulfing this region demonstrate the current European Union's
inability to counterbalance an American influence that has become firmly
established.
To support this thesis, we will first discuss the historical
relations between the European Union and the Middle East, followed by
cooperation between the two regions, and finally address the issue of armed
conflicts in the Middle East and the European Union's stance.
I - HISTORICAL
RELATIONS BETWEEN THE EUROPEAN UNION AND THE MIDDLE EAST:
The First World War, during which the Ottoman Empire
aligned itself with Germany, marked the end of this empire. The countries in
the Middle East, which were under European control, gradually gained relative
independence during the Cold War period.
1.1 - The Middle East between European colonization and independence:
Following the secret Sykes-Picot Agreement in 1916 and the Treaty of
Sèvres in 1920, the United Kingdom and France, both regional rivals, divided
vast areas of influence in the Middle East as mandates under the defunct League
of Nations SDN. These agreements defined a British-administered zone,
including the Jordan area up to the eastern border of what is now Jordan, covering
the Kirkuk region in Iraq, and an international zone roughly corresponding to
Palestine.
The later San Remo agreements of April 24, 1920,
removed the oil-rich region of Mosul from French control and attached it to
Iraq under British rule. In exchange, France received a quarter of the oil
production from this region through the French Petroleum Company. The newly
created Iraq became a potential source of instability, encompassing three
distinct communities: Kurds in the north, Shiites in the south, and a Sunni
population in the center. Additionally, the British fueled a territorial
dispute by separating the Emirate of Kuwait from Iraq, which was traditionally
part of the Basra province under the Ottoman Empire. At the same time, in an
effort to protect its long-term interests in the region, Britain recognized,
through the Balfour Declaration of 1917, the establishment of a Jewish national
homeland in Palestine. France gained control of Syria, detaching several
provinces, including Lebanon, where a significant Francophile Maronite
Christian minority resided.
The period of decolonization spanned from the 1920s to
the 1970s. Egypt gained independence from Britain in 1922, following demands by
the Liberal Wafd Party. Iraq became independent in 1932. Facing Arab resistance,
France eventually recognized Lebanon and Syria as sovereign states in 1936,
with true independence coming in 1941 and 1946, respectively. In Arabia,
Hussein, a British ally, was ousted from his kingdom of Hejaz in 1923 by Ibn
Saud, who established the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in 1932. Smaller Gulf states
had to wait a bit longer for independence: Kuwait in 1961, Yemen in 1967, and
the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, and Bahrain in 1971.
Turkey, for its part, achieved more favorable borders
through the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923, especially after Mustafa Kemal's
military successes. He launched a modernization program, inspired by the Young
Turks' movement, which included the secularization of the state in 1924 and the
abolition of the caliphate. Despite gaining independence, Middle Eastern
countries remained fragmented and unstable. Despite the region's economic
potential and multiple attempts at unification, it remained a hotspot for
conflicts and tensions following World War II and during the Cold War.
1.2 - The Middle East after independence and foreign influence on the region:
In March 1945, the Arab League was created.
Pan-Arabism, a modernist political ideology, dominated Arab thought for twenty
years, advocating for the unity of this nation. Following the overthrow of King
Farouk in 1952, Gamal Abdel Nasser, Egypt's true leader, negotiated the
departure of British forces. Immediately after the departure of the last
British soldier in July 1956, he nationalized the Suez Canal. Britain and
France, shareholders of the canal company, allied with Israel to attack Egypt,
but the United States and the USSR Eisenhower and Khrushchev jointly demanded
the coalition’s withdrawal. The Suez Crisis marked the decline of European
powers in favor of the two superpowers, and the Middle East became a Cold War
battleground.
To counter the USSR and ensure a steady oil supply for
the West, the United States assumed the role previously held by Britain.
Threatened by Soviet expansionism, Turkey was admitted to NATO in 1951. In
Iran, Prime Minister Mossadegh attempted to nationalize oil production in 1953
but failed.
At the end of World War II, Egypt and Palestine
remained under British administration. In Palestine, tensions rose among the
British, Arabs, and Jews. In 1947, the United Nations voted to partition
Palestine into two states, one Arab and the other Jewish. Arab states rejected
this plan. Economically weakened by the war, the United Kingdom decided to
leave Palestine in May 1948. Israel was declared a state by David Ben-Gurion on
May 14, and several Arab states declared war the same day. Three additional
wars followed, involving Israel, Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, and the Palestinians in
1956, 1967, and 1973.
Yasser Arafat, succeeding Ahmed Shukairy, unified key
Palestinian movements under the Palestine Liberation Organization PLO,
founded in 1964. The Arabs used their oil power to pressure Western countries,
notably European ones, by increasing oil prices by 70% and imposing
restrictions and embargoes. This resulted in the first oil shock of 1973, with
the price of crude oil jumping from $3 to $12 per barrel. Oil-producing
countries nationalized oil extraction. The second oil shock occurred in 1979
(with oil prices reaching $36 per barrel) following the Iranian revolution.
Japan and the European Economic Community (EEC) were among the hardest hit.
The Middle East became a region of instability with
multiple competing interests. Recognizing the region's importance, the European
Union developed a policy with different facets.
II - EUROPEAN UNION-MIDDLE EAST COOPERATION:
Historically,
the connection between the two regions was based on mutual interests.
Geographical proximity was reinforced by French and British colonization of
most Middle Eastern states, establishing a lasting bond characterized by
economic and political stakes.
2.1 - Economic Interests:
On one hand, the Middle East serves as a
strategic continental and maritime hub. Additionally, population pressures are
a significant concern, leading to divergent approaches to address them. Oil
also remains a crucial factor in this part of the world, due to its ties with
industrialized nations and OPEC countries.
On the other hand, the European Union, with its unique
status and structure, has focused on economic priorities since the creation of
the European Coal and Steel Community after World War II, a factor that
currently reflects the Union’s strength. We might then ask: what role does the
Middle East play in the European Union’s economic policy in the global market?
2.2 - The Weight of the European Economy in the Global Market:
The core of European cooperation has been the economic development of
member states, with various set goals. In 2000, the European Union contributed
24.93% of the world’s gross product. Industrial goods trade experienced growth,
reflecting the rise of industrialized Asian countries like Japan and the
progressive expansion of multinational companies globally.
However, the share of African, Caribbean, and Pacific
countries has declined, indicating the EU's economic policy failure in these
areas. Conversely, trade with Central and Eastern European countries has
doubled, suggesting anticipation of EU enlargement in the coming years.
Consequently, what is the EU’s economic policy in the
Middle East?
2.3 - EU Economic Policy in the Middle East:
Since the
1970s, Europe has concluded bilateral cooperation agreements with Israel,
Syria, Jordan, Egypt, and Lebanon. Additionally, following the first
Euro-Mediterranean conference held in Barcelona, association agreements were
signed with several countries, including Israel, which was recognized as the
EU’s primary economic partner in the region by the end of 1995. The same
economic policy was later applied to the Palestinian Authority in 1997.
Since 1971, the EU has contributed to the budget of
the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees; it also
leads as a donor to the Palestinian territories. Additionally, since June 2001,
the EU has provided 10 million euros per month to the Palestinian Authority in
direct budgetary aid. An additional 10 million euros was granted for an
emergency assistance program designed by the World Bank to cover operational
costs in the health sector. Finally, another 10 million euros was allocated to
a special program supporting municipal services.
In contrast, the EU’s policy towards Israel is based
on partnership and cooperation, not exclusion. The EU believes that maintaining
relations with Israel is an important contribution to the Middle East peace
process, as suspending the association agreement would not make Israeli
authorities more receptive to the EU's current concerns.
Therefore, if the EU’s economic strength is evident
internally and in some global regions, though limited in the Middle East, what
about Europe’s political influence in the region?
24- Political
Issues:
During the Cold War, Europe was divided between two different
ideologies: Eastern Europe and Western Europe. After the collapse of the Soviet
Union, new political opportunities opened up for Europe, especially following
the creation of the European Union.
However, setting aside the Union’s policies towards Central
and Eastern European countries, as well as African or Central Asian nations,
what is its political stance in the Middle East, specifically regarding
Palestine and Iraq?
241- In Palestine:
For the European Union, the Israeli-Arab conflict
represents a divergence in sensitivity among its member states and is a major
concern. The Six-Day War in June 1967 and the Yom Kippur War in October 1973
notably caused divisions, particularly between Gaullist France, which leaned
pro-Arab, and countries like the Netherlands and Germany, which were more
supportive of Israel. However, the oil crisis and the threat of an Arab boycott
accelerated the establishment of a Euro-Arab dialogue in 1974, following the
Copenhagen summit.
Additionally, the 1980 Venice Declaration marked the
first genuinely official and politically strong stance by Europe. This official position
was manifested by:
- Recognition of the Palestinians' right to
self-determination,
- The end of Israeli occupation,
- The illegality of Jewish settlements and laws
altering the status of Jerusalem,
- The necessity to involve the PLO in peace
negotiations.
Since then, the European Economic Community, and later
the European Union, has maintained the same stance on the Israeli-Arab issue.
But after a decade of active, independent Middle Eastern policy separate from
Washington, Europe aligned itself with the U.S. in the Second Gulf War. This
alignment yielded no benefit for Europe, which was marginalized at the Madrid
conference, where it held only "observer" status.
Currently, the European Union's general stance on the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict is as follows: the Union recognizes Israel’s
irrevocable right to live in peace and security within internationally
recognized borders. It also acknowledges the need to establish a sovereign,
democratic, viable, and peaceful Palestinian state based on the 1967 borders.
Unfortunately, this position remains largely
theoretical. Evidence of this lies in the fact that while the U.S. maintains a
significant presence, the European Union was entirely absent from the recent
Sharm El Sheikh Summit in Egypt, which discussed the so-called "road
map."
In this context, the international political scene has
recently been marked by the invasion of Iraq under the pretext of possessing
weapons of mass destruction. This war, lacking international legitimacy, led to
the collapse of the Iraqi regime.
But what was the European Union’s stance on this
invasion?
242- In Iraq:
The war in Iraq highlighted a political division
within the Union, between those who opposed and those who supported the war.
The Union found itself in an awkward situation, which somewhat cast doubt on
its future political unity. This contrast is illustrated by three distinct
positions within the Union.
First, there was a pro-war stance, notably taken by
the British Prime Minister, along with military participation. The second
position supported the war but without military involvement; Spain, Portugal,
Italy, and Denmark are examples. Finally, there was a stance against the war,
categorically rejecting any military action without international legitimacy,
taken mainly by France and Germany, along with Belgium.
Despite several meetings, the European Parliament was
unable to make any decision to manage this complex situation, resulting in
failure. This disagreement prevented the European Union from acting and
deciding, causing general disappointment in the eyes of international opinion,
which was largely opposed to the invasion of Iraq.
Thus, in relation to the United States, the European
Union appeared weak, politically incapable of managing armed conflicts on a
global scale; the Middle East being the prime example of this.
Conclusion:
Possessing the world’s largest oil reserves and
inheritors of a rich ancestral cultural civilization, Middle Eastern countries
have not benefited from the European experience. To this day, they serve
primarily as the economic lifeline for Western economies. The European Union
has provided only modest assistance to societies in the region. Its limited
technological contributions and its inability to resolve conflicts reveal the
weaknesses in its foreign policy in the Middle East. The U.S. intervention in
the region could seriously hinder the European Union's strategy, which aims to
act as a counterbalance.
Whether concerning border issues, tensions between
regimes, regional ambitions, interference by major powers, economic and
financial stakes, or religious matters, even the slightest geopolitical shake
in the region could quickly escalate into a global seismic event.
Could we envision a Middle East one day without oil,
or even without water?