The Battle of Agincourt

The Middle Ages, also known as the medieval era, is a long period around 1,000 years that in Europe stretches from the fall of the Western Roman Empire in 476 to the discovery of America by Christopher Columbus in 1492. This latter date marks the beginning of modern times.

The Middle Ages is divided into three main periods: the Age of Invasions 5th–10th century, the Golden Centuries 11th–13th century, and the Troubled Times 14th–15th century.

The Age of Invasions:
During the early Middle Ages, marked by the Age of Invasions, the invasions that had begun in the 3rd century continued, leading to a fusion between the Barbarians and Romans. Civilization in war-ravaged Europe suffered a deep decline, barely masked by a brief renaissance during Charlemagne's reign. Only the Church preserved remnants of ancient civilization in Western Europe. In contrast, civilization flourished in the East, both in the Eastern Roman Empire and in the newly established Muslim states.

The Golden Centuries:
Starting in the 11th century, Western Europe saw a rapid expansion in both cities and rural areas. Lords, often tough warriors who owned castles or high ranking church dignitaries such as bishops and abbots, dominated the peasants. The revival of commerce spurred urban development. This period, however, was marked by violent conflicts: between France and England, Christians and Muslims, and emperors and the pope. Alongside material progress, a remarkable intellectual and artistic flourishing occurred.

The Troubled Times:
In the 14th century, the Troubled Times began, marked by natural calamities colder climates and poor harvests that fueled epidemics, compounding the effects of the Hundred Years' War between France and England.

The major causes of this war were dynastic disputes and the Duchy of Guyenne. When King Charles IV, the last of the three sons of Philip IV, died in 1328 without leaving a son, two princes laid claim to the French crown: the English King Edward III of the Plantagenet line and Philip of Valois. French barons favored Philip, who was more familiar to them, having been born in the kingdom, and benefited from two prior rulings: twice before, it had been affirmed that a woman could not ascend to the French throne, making it logical that she could not pass any claim to her son. The new king, taking the name Philip VI, inaugurated the Valois dynasty.

The Guyenne issue:

was another cause of the Hundred Years’ War. In 1329, Edward III acknowledged the new sovereign by paying homage for his Duchy of Guyenne. But this harmony did not last: in 1337, Philip VI confiscated Guyenne, prompting Edward III to challenge Philip, demanding he abandon his kingdom. The Hundred Years’ War had begun.

This war, which lasted from 1337 to 1453, saw more truce periods than active military operations: 61 years of truce versus 55 years of military activity. The latter was marked by the Battle of Agincourt, which reignited hostilities between France and England.

Would it not be worthwhile to examine the setting, unfolding, and lessons learned from this battle?

The Battle of Agincourt, which reignited the Hundred Years' War, occurred in a politically charged context marked by civil war in France and the territorial ambitions of the English king, Henry V. This battle ended in a French disaster and demonstrated that the role of the leader, the adoption of appropriate tactics, and the study of resources are crucial elements in the success of a military operation.

Reviewing the setting, progression, and lessons of the Battle of Agincourt will highlight this assertion.

The Battle of Agincourt, reigniting the second phase of the Hundred Years’ War, occurred in a political landscape shaped by civil strife in France and territorial claims from Henry V. Between 1337 and 1380, despite severe setbacks, France gained some successes, but between 1411 and 1420, the country faced mortal peril. French disasters were marked by significant battles: Sluys, Crécy, Calais, and Poitiers.

The Battle of Sluys: Initially, France appeared stronger, being four times as populous as England 12 million to 3 million. Yet, the English held two key advantages: a disciplined army seasoned from wars against the Scots, and support from the Flemish, who relied on English wool to sustain their industries and recognized Edward III as the rightful King of France. In 1340, the Anglo-Flemish fleet decimated the French fleet at Sluys, which had attempted to blockade the Flemish coast. With control of the sea, the English could strike wherever they pleased.

The Battle of Crécy: In 1346, Edward III landed in Normandy, pillaging before retreating toward Flanders. At Crécy, Philip VI attacked, but chaotic charges by the French cavalry were crushed by English archers.

The Battle of Calais: After a year-long siege, Calais fell in 1347, giving the English a foothold on the continent, which they would hold for two centuries. Soon after, a truce paused the fighting, and John II succeeded Philip VI in 1350.

The Battle of Poitiers: War resumed in 1355 as the English heir, the Black Prince so named for his armor’s color, ravaged Poitou and crushed John II’s army near Poitiers, capturing the king himself. John’s eldest son, Charles, took on the title “dauphin,” designating him as the heir to the French throne. Under the Treaty of Brétigny in 1360, Edward III renounced his claim to the French throne but retained sovereignty over Calais and a quarter of southwestern France.

After initial French defeats, the country rallied, especially with Charles V’s reign and his trusted Breton captain Du Guesclin. Charles V, known as the wise king 1364-1380, managed a prudent and economical government. Unlike his predecessors, Charles V wasn’t drawn to combat but was a scholar, hence his wise moniker. He ensured solid finances, collecting taxes to maintain an efficient mercenary army.

Du Guesclin, a Breton noble of modest origin, excelled as a leader of men, liberating much of the kingdom through skirmishes rather than full scale battles. He cleared France of large groups of unemployed soldiers who terrorized the countryside, leading them to fight in Spain, where two rival brothers contested the Castilian throne. When Charles V resumed hostilities with England in 1369, by the time of his death, the English held only Calais, Cherbourg, Brest, and a narrow coastal strip between Bordeaux and Bayonne.

Following these recoveries, another disaster loomed for France, and the Battle of Agincourt on October 25, 1415, marked the beginning of the war's second phase. The French political scene was fraught with civil war as factions of the Armagnacs and Burgundians clashed. Charles VI, king of France, succumbed to madness, with the governance handed over to his uncles  the dukes of Anjou, Berry, Burgundy, and Bourbon – known as the lords of the fleur de lis.These princes focused more on their estates than the kingdom, squandering the treasury on lavish feasts and constructions. The resulting popular uprising saw disturbances in several provinces, particularly Languedoc, Normandy, and Flanders, where the cloth-makers revolted. In Paris, insurgents, called maillotins for their use of iron mallets, seized arms from the Hôtel de Ville and attacked the wealthy. Fierce repression followed, with many rebels executed.

To address this, in 1388, Charles VI dismissed his uncles and summoned his father’s ministers, such as Bureau de la Rivière and Constable Olivier de Clisson, who opponents mockingly called the marmousets. However, this stability was short lived. In the summer of 1392, Charles VI was seized by madness after a sudden incident in the forest of Le Mans, where he attacked his own escort and had to be disarmed and restrained. The lords of the fleur de lis returned to power, accompanied by Queen Isabeau of Bavaria, a frivolous and spendthrift ruler. Extravagant fashion flourished, with pointed poulaine shoes that needed to be tied up with strings and headdresses of exaggerated heights.

Tensions grew between Duke John the Fearless of Burgundy, son of Philip the Bold, and Duke Louis of Orléans, Charles VI’s brother and the queen’s favorite. In 1407, John had Louis assassinated in Paris, triggering a brutal civil war between the Armagnacs and the Burgundians, tearing France apart for nearly thirty years. The Armagnacs, led by Bernard of Armagnac, father-in-law of the Duke of Orléans, dominated the south and central regions. Meanwhile, the Burgundians, supporting John the Fearless, controlled Burgundy, Paris, and Flanders, aligning with England to protect Flemish economic interests. They incited bloody riots and massacres in Paris, leading to the imposition of the "Cabochien Ordinance" in 1413. These excesses alarmed the bourgeois elite, allowing the Armagnacs to regain control of Paris and hold power for five years.

This internal turmoil presented an opportunity for the English king to further his ambitions. Henry V of England exploited the civil war in France to expand his hold over the French kingdom and manage the religious agitation threatening England’s unity.

Unlike his father, Henry V, who ascended the throne on March 23, 1413, at age 25, sought peace through strength and claimed the legacy of Edward III. After a prolonged truce, Henry V resumed war with France in 1415. His goal was to distract his restless populace with foreign campaigns, as religious dissension among the Lollards verged on civil strife. Chroniclers claim that church officials encouraged this diversion. While some of Henry’s ambitions were lofty  he envisioned uniting Christendom to end the Avignon Papal Schism and lead a crusade  the means he employed were hardly justifiable. Finding France divided by the Orléans and Burgundy factions, ruled by a mad king and a dauphin with few allies, he revived Edward III’s claim to the French throne. He demanded the hand of Charles VI’s daughter, Catherine, along with Normandy, Touraine, Anjou, Maine, and Ponthieu as her dowry.

Negotiations continued, but by April 1415, when his demand for Normandy was denied, Henry was resolute in his decision for war. It seemed that an obsession to emulate his ancestor’s campaign drove him onward. On August 13, 1415, Henry V landed in the Seine estuary, and on October 7, 1415, the capture of Harfleur near Le Havre set the stage for the Battle of Agincourt.

The French and English forces, using archery, crossbows, and coordinated infantry and cavalry tactics, clashed in the Battle of Agincourt, which culminated in a devastating French defeat.

Commanding an army weakened by hunger, disease, and facing the French threat, Henry V was forced to confront the French army near Agincourt. The siege of Harfleur, though ultimately successful, caused heavy losses, with dysentery spreading through the English troops. The Earl of Suffolk succumbed to it, and the Duke of Clarence, along with the Earls of Mardène and Arundel, declared themselves unable to continue fighting. Henry V realized that conquering the Kingdom of France was impossible at that time and decided to return to England. However, to mask the failure of his campaign, he decided to march across the Kingdom and depart from Calais. This was a bold plan, as a French army was gathering in Rouen. As a result, the King of England dared not venture far inland, choosing instead to stay close to the coast.

Leaving Harfleur on October 8 or 9, he reached the Somme on October 13, hoping to cross it at the ford of Blanchetaque, as his ancestor Edward III had done sixty-nine years earlier. He received word from a French prisoner, likely incorrect, that the ford was heavily guarded. So, he marched further upriver along the left bank of the Somme until Abbeville, only to find the bridges destroyed. He continued further upriver and was only able to cross to the right bank near Nesle, between Voyenne and Béthancourt. However, his army was exhausted, suffering from hunger, but found plenty of wine. All of this had taken time, as the river crossing, starting at 10 a.m., lasted until sunset.

Meanwhile, the French army’s gathering was slow. Charles VI took the Oriflamme at Saint-Denis on September 10 and moved to Mantes but did not hurry to relieve Harfleur. When Harfleur fell, he was still in Rouen, where he renewed the call to arms. The high nobility responded: the Dukes of Berry, Orléans, Bourbon, Alençon, Bar, and Anjou, the latter being the nominal King of Sicily. Yet one significant figure abstained Duke John the Fearless of Burgundy, who ordered his son, the young Count of Charolais (the future Philip the Good), to remain in place. Nevertheless, one of John's brothers, the Count of Nevers, joined the French army, along with the nobility of Picardy and even Flanders.

A war council was held in Rouen, and by a vote of thirty to five, they decided to attack the English. Charles VI and the Dauphin wished to participate in the action. The Dukes of Bourbon and Orléans sent Henry V a challenge, asking for the place and date of the battle. Henry V received it at Monchy-Lagache on Sunday, October 20, replying that he was headed to Calais and could be found in the fields, day or night. Continuing his march, Henry V crossed the Authie at Acheux, the Canche at Frévent, and the Ternoise at Blangy on Thursday, October 24. There, he saw the French a mile to the north, blocking his path.

Despite his difficult situation, Henry V did not lose confidence. He positioned his army between two forested areas around the village of Tramecourt to the east and Agincourt to the west. He himself spent the night of October 24-25 in the hamlet of Maisoncelles, around 800 meters behind the front lines.

The bow and the crossbow were the two primary weapons used in the Battle of Agincourt.

The development of new weapons has always been a priority for armies. During the Battle of Agincourt, two weapons were used: the longbow and the crossbow. While both armies were familiar with the bow, it was rarely used in specialized units. The crossbow, on the other hand, was introduced into the French army at the end of the 12th century. Interestingly, it was the English who initially taught the French to use the crossbow but later abandoned it in favor of the longbow. The longbow thus became the preferred weapon for the English, while the French relied primarily on the crossbow.

The crossbow, an ancient weapon a missile weapon, was made with a steel bow mounted on a stock, with a cord that could be drawn using a spring mechanism. Though it operated on the same basic principle as the longbow, the addition of a stock and a tension device allowed for a more powerful shot, and the groove in the stock provided greater accuracy. Its range was about 70 to 80 meters. Although slightly heavier than the longbow, military leaders of the time felt its increased power made up for this drawback.

The longbow, by contrast, was a weapon made of wood or metal, with a string tied to both ends, allowing the user to shoot arrows. It was used in warfare from ancient times and was a staple in European armies from the 10th to the 14th century. It was during the Hundred Years' War that the superiority of the longbow was proven, contributing to many English victories.

The tactics used during the Battle of Agincourt involved placing knights behind the infantry, with the English using sharpened stakes for protection. Heavy cavalry, lances at the ready and banners flying, were positioned in compact ranks behind the infantry on both sides, each waiting for the other's archers to thin out the opponent's infantry. Though the knights were well-protected under their armor, which arrows could barely pierce, their horses were vulnerable. Dense volleys of arrows launched from a distance onto tightly packed cavalry formations could break them up and reduce their effectiveness. However, foot archers stood little chance unless entrenched or defended from a cavalry charge.

The English infantry adopted Scottish tactics, protecting their archers with rows of sharp stakes planted in the ground at an angle, points facing the enemy. Disrupted by long-range fire, impaled on stakes, or hindered by them, the French knights became easy targets and were routed, allowing the English cavalry, held in reserve behind the infantry, to launch a counterattack.

The battle was a disaster for the French feudal army. When it began on October 25, the English army was arrayed in a single line, with the cavalry dismounted in four deep rows, as per their usual tactics. The archers were stationed on the flanks, or, according to some sources, spread among the right, center, and left corps. Each was armed with a stake sharpened at both ends, its point facing the enemy to injure horses in case of a charge. Besides their longbows, they carried daggers, axes, or clubs. The horses and baggage were left in the rear, at Maisoncelles, guarded only by a few attendants and grooms.

The French situation was less advantageous than it may have seemed. The Duke of Burgundy had abstained from joining, the Duke of Berry had not yet arrived, and the Duke of Orléans lacked experience. Moreover, there was little unity among the leaders. The constable Albert held minimal prestige among the blood princes, and he, along with Marshal Boucicaut, advocated for a defensive approach, believing the English would be weakened by fatigue, hunger, and disease. At the last moment, they even wanted to delay further, hoping the English would fall without a fight. However, younger nobles argued for an immediate and full-scale charge, each vying for the honor of the vanguard position. Ultimately, the decision was to remain defensive, partly due to the rain that fell all night, making a large-scale cavalry charge impractical on the soaked ground. The battlefield, no more than 700 meters wide, also limited the possibility of deploying in a single line, forcing the French to form four ranks.

When the battle began, the French archers were moved to the rear to ensure they wouldn’t share in the day’s glory, as the French nobility was confident of victory. They even rejected Henry’s request at dawn for safe passage to Calais. King Henry decided to stake everything on this confrontation, and between 9 and 10 a.m., after hearing three Masses, he ordered the attack "in the name of Almighty God and Saint George," with banners forward. Marshal Thomas d'Erpingham tossed his command staff into the air, and the army knelt and kissed the earth. Rising, they immediately advanced, the archers barefoot with their hose rolled above the knee to move more easily through the muddy ground. After covering 600 to 700 meters, the English found themselves within arrow range of the French. Forming a harrow-like shape, the archers planted their stakes, shouted a loud battle cry, and began to shoot.

Then, from the wings of the French army, some groups of cavalry emerged, charging bravely but quickly rendered ineffective. French archers and crossbowmen positioned at the rear could do nothing against the English archers. To stop the enemy, the Constable committed his first line, composed of dismounted men-at-arms. Burdened by their heavy armor, they struggled through the mud. Nevertheless, under their pressure, the English chivalry, also dismounted, began to fall back. The situation, briefly critical, was stabilized by the English archers: they emerged from their positions, abandoned their bows, and flanked the entangled French cavalry, attacking them with daggers, axes, and maces. The French were so tightly packed that they couldn’t wield their weapons, and the English archers massacred them in heaps. At this point, Antoine, Duke of Brabant, brother of John the Fearless, who had been delayed, arrived on the battlefield and plunged into the fray; he was killed instantly.

The second French line remained, but shaken by fleeing soldiers on foot or horseback from the first line and the wings, it was quickly slaughtered. The Duke of Alençon was killed. Of the third line, only 600 men could be rallied for a final, futile resistance. After two or three hours of combat, it was over. Pursuing the remnants of the French army was out of the question. The English began gathering prisoners. Suddenly, a rumor spread that a force of Bretons, Poitevins, and Gascons was attacking from behind. Alarmed, Henry V feared his troops might be distracted by gathering prisoners, so he ordered the captives to be massacred. This slaughter ceased only when it was learned that it was merely a band of marauders who had slipped into the English camp at Maisoncelles and fled.

French losses were heavy 11,000 killed according to estimates. The flower of French chivalry was either killed or captured. Among the dead were the Constable d'Albert, Admiral de Dampierre Rambures, Grand Master of the Crossbowmen, three dukes of Brabant, Alençon, and Bar, seven counts of Nevers, Marie, Vaudemont, Blamont, Grandpré, Roucy, Fauquembert, and 90 to 100 bannerets. Among the prisoners reportedly 1,500 were Marshal Boucicaut, the Dukes of Orléans and Bourbon, the Counts of Eu and Vendome, and Arthur of Brittany, Count of Richemont.

The English losses were light, only 13 men-at-arms, although prominent figures such as the Duke of York, Edward, cousin of the king, and the Earl of Suffolk had lost their lives. At one point, the struggle had been intense, and Henry V had to save his brother Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester.

Despite a force ratio favoring the French, the English won the Battle of Agincourt, which holds valuable lessons. The battle demonstrated that a leader's qualities, the adoption of a suitable tactic, and the environment remain decisive for victory.

The qualities of a military leader, especially close contact with the troops, moral strength, and mutual trust between the leader and his subordinates, which Henry V enjoyed, were crucial to the English victory.

Henry V was a military leader close to his men, mindful of their concerns. He was not a radiant king, but rather a somber one who was always doubting. The night before the battle, he disguised himself to gauge his troops, seeking peace of conscience and convincing them of the justness of his cause. Besides this quality, the English king was an orator who galvanized his men. As the day of battle approached, he spoke to his army in terms that greatly increased the courage of the English soldiers; they understood that their only chance of survival lay in fighting without faltering and winning the victory. He addressed his men with these words: The moment has come, O my good and valiant companions-in-arms, where we must fight not for honor and the glory of your name, but for your very existence. We know the French’s presumption and state of mind; we are certain that they will spare none of you. All of you, whether commoners or noblemen, they will slaughter like sheep. Myself and the princes of my blood have no such fear, for if they triumphed over us, they would hope to gain large sums and would thus take care to preserve us rather than destroy us. But as for you, if you wish to avoid such danger, dismiss all fear from your minds and do not hope that the enemy will keep you to ransom you with money, for they hate you with an ancient and fierce hatred. So, if living is sweeter than dying, remember, as strong men, your noble lineage and the glory earned by the English on the battlefield, and fight valiantly for the salvation of your souls.

To lead his men into battle, despite the difficult situation in which he found himself cut off from retreat, commanding a numerically weak, tired, hungry, and sick army Henry V kept his cool. Similarly, the mutual trust between the leader and his men was decisive in the English success. Henry V’s confidence in victory was reasoned, based on what he knew of past battles but above all on his knowledge of the value of his archery. The English archers were unparalleled. They dared to advance openly on the enemy, shooting with deadly precision and speed. When the French vanguard was felled, they confronted the first enemy line in close combat, throwing it to the ground. The archers honored their leader, and the leader knew his trust in the victory they would bring him was justified. The English king and his army were worthy of each other.

On the French side, by contrast, the army was disorganized, undisciplined, and lacked true leadership. The French army followed no order, no hierarchy, and no discipline consistent with the rules and principles of military art. It had no regular forces and received no consistent pay. Furthermore, the French army’s assembly was slow. It was only on September 10 that Charles VI moved to Mantes, but he did not hasten to aid Harfleur. Thus, the French army was slow to gather and slow to mobilize. The forces of the most powerful prince stayed away, and the French high command was greatly influenced by internal dissensions among its leaders. For example, the Duke of Burgundy abstained, the Duke of Orléans was young and inexperienced, and the Duke of Berry was unable to join the army. There was also no unity among the nobles. The constable of d'Albret had little prestige among the princes of the blood. Generally, the performance of the feudal army was greatly affected by the absence of a leader with the required qualities.

In summary, success in any battle relies primarily on the qualities of the leader; however, victory still depends on the tactics employed.

The judicious use of resources and adherence to the principles of warfare were observed during the Battle of Agincourt.

Some suggest that the failure of the French feudal army was due to a disregard for two key principles of war: the economy of forces and the concentration of efforts. During the Battle of Agincourt, on a narrow battlefield of about 700 meters, the French adopted a defensive stance, deploying their army in four lines: an advance guard on horseback, two lines of dismounted cavalry, and a third line of mounted cavalry. Furthermore, the French commanders did not conduct a thorough assessment of the available resources. French troops were encumbered by heavy armor 20 kg each. Tactical mistakes were also made by the French commanders, particularly in the use of massed formations against a mobile enemy. In the vanguard, they quickly became bogged down, making them easy targets for the English archers. The French soldiers were so tightly packed that they could not use their weapons. Thus, the French strategy, based on using knights and infantry, was entirely discredited after Henry V’s victory.

Meanwhile, the English army, which adopted a tactic relying on archers protected by stakes, strictly adhered to the two famous principles of warfare. The English made efficient use of their resources, shifting the balance of power in their favor. When the battle began, the English army was arranged in four lines in depth, with the first three consisting of archers arranged in a particular manner:

This harrow formation allowed the archers to fire directly in three rows of depth; otherwise, the third row would have had to perform plunging shots, which were generally less effective. Additionally, the orders given by Henry V before the battle began eloquently illustrate his adherence to the various principles of warfare. After four hours of observation, Henry V realized his only chance was to force the French to attack. This clearly shows he was aware of his weaknesses and the intentions of the French commanders. Consequently, at 10 o'clock, he ordered his archers to advance to maximum bow range. It is evident that the King of England had thoroughly studied both his resources and the French strategies.

Contemporary accounts confirm that, according to modern calculations, an archer could shoot at a distance of 280 meters at a rate of 10 to 15 arrows per minute. A French cavalry unit advancing toward them would take 90 seconds to cross the effective range of the archers, meaning a company of 500 archers could fire a total of 7,500 arrows before the cavalry reached them. The few horsemen who managed to get within fighting range still had to navigate a series of stakes about two meters long, planted closely together in the ground. Before they could maneuver through, the English archers had ample time to finish the job. Thus, during the Battle of Agincourt, the 6,000 English archers routed the French army of 25,000, including many knights and nobles.

In conclusion, at the Battle of Agincourt, adherence to the principles of war namely, economy of forces and concentration of efforts shifted the balance of power in favor of the English army, despite its numerical inferiority. However, success is also dependent on the environment.

The terrain was a decisive factor in the English victory at the Battle of Agincourt.

Terrain is a critical tactical factor that must be considered before any engagement. At Agincourt, the terrain was not neutral; on the contrary, it provided significant support to the English, who exploited it effectively, adapting it to the resources they had. In contrast, the French commanders underestimated the terrain, notably when the Dukes of Bourbon and Orléans sent Henry V a challenge, requesting a location and date for the battle. This request suggests that the French placed little importance on the terrain. As a result, on the morning of October 25, the general charge of the French cavalry was impossible on the waterlogged ground. By disregarding the terrain, the French left their cavalry burdened by their 20 kg armor.

Henry V, however, was aware of the importance of terrain; in response, he announced that he would head toward Calais and could be found on the battlefield, day or night. In doing so, he implicitly made his choice. Furthermore, when Henry V saw the French blocking his route a mile to the north, he positioned his army between two forested areas surrounding the village of Agincourt to the west and Tramercourt to the east, with a front no wider than 700 meters. It is clear that Henry V quickly assessed the terrain and tried to adapt his resources to the battlefield. The main strength of the terrain was the narrow front, which allowed only about 1,700 men to engage at once. This limitation forced the French to reduce their deployed forces, as the cavalry had to line up in three rows separated by about 50 meters. The battlefield could only accommodate around 1,800 knights at most. Meanwhile, Henry V began the advance barefoot, with his trousers rolled above the knee to move more easily across the muddy terrain. He kept his horses in the rear, judging them unfit for fighting in the muddy field.

conclusion:

In conclusion, the civil war in France combined with the rise of Henry V in England led to the Battle of Agincourt on October 25, 1415, marking the beginning of the second phase of the Hundred Years' War. It ended in disaster for the French feudal army and demonstrated that leadership, the judicious use of resources, and the environment are decisive for victory.

However, the stunning victory at Agincourt only gave Henry V the opportunity to escape France by reaching Calais. Back in England, he began extensive preparations to undertake the conquest of the Kingdom he claimed as the legitimate heir to the French throne.